Review of Haddad’s Paul & Empire Criticism: Why and How?

In this book, Najeeb T. Haddad explores and critiques the scholarly trend of reading St. Paul and his letters in light of “empire criticism,” which he defines as “how” St. Paul “engages with the presence of Rome,” “how” he “offer[s] arguments for and against empire, and how Greco-Roman religion, especially imperial cult, could have influenced” him (2).

In the first chapter, “Paul, Politics, and Empire” (1–27), Haddad places “empire criticism” into its modern social context, the numerous military engagements and forever wars in which the United States of America remains embroiled. He, then, contextualizes Rome’s first century AD power structures and how she integrated and/or suppressed foreign peoples and their cults. Haddad concludes that Rome’s main goal with regard to her power and her attitude toward foreign peoples and their cults was to maintain her hegemony. He demonstrates that if any cult threatened that power, Rome suppressed it. One of these cults was Judaism, which gave birth to Christianity. Therefore, Haddad is adamant that one must understand St. Paul as a Second Temple Hellenistic Jew and the history of Roman-Jewish relations to understand the place of empire in the study of the apostle.

The second chapter, “Methods of Empire Criticism in Paul” (28–51), explores and critiques three non-exclusive “sections” of empire criticism: “polemical parallelism” advocated by Adolf Deissmann and N. T. Wright, “imperial cult” advanced by Karl P. Donfried, Richard Horsley, and Bruce Winter, and “hidden criticism” endorsed by Wright and Horsley. Concerning the first, Haddad proposes that parallelism does not necessarily equal a polemic. With regard to the second, he contends that these scholars work with an improper understanding of “imperial cult” and he agrees with Colin Miller that the “imperial cult” did not have a central place in most cities in which St. Paul established nascent Christian congregations. Finally, Haddad picks apart the underlying assumptions of “hidden criticism,” which he says stems from a failure of the first two “sections” to produce a convincing “empire critical” reading of St. Paul.

In the third chapter, “Goals and Techniques for Empire Criticism in Paul” (52–78), Haddad attempts to nuance the discussion of empire criticism in St. Paul by providing methodological clarity. He pushes readers to consider data outside written texts and then explores two facets of antiquity, the polis or city-state in Greek and the place of ancient associations in the civic landscape. Haddad examines what a polis meant for first century denizens of the Greco-Roman world: an entity in which families strive together to meet their civic and cultic duties. In this context, Haddad places St. Paul whom he says knew that civic authority was necessary for civil and economic stability of the empire, despite the occasional tyrant. As far as ancient associations are concerned, he notes that they provided stability to society and encouraged the worship of an associational patron deity. St. Paul’s congregations resembled ancient associations save for the offering of members participation in the resurrection and a new heaven and new earth.

The fourth chapter, “The Theological Significance of Pauline Empire Criticism” (79–107), tries to produce a more nuanced empire critical reading of one Pauline letter, Philippians. In the process, Haddad reads the missive in light of the apostle’s understanding of the new creation that has dawned in the Messiah event. On the one hand, St. Paul’s converts were adopted children of God, they were filled with God’s Holy Spirit, and they were “in Christ.” On the other hand, this new existence does not result in antagonism, but in believers’ “willful and voluntary obedience” to God just like Jesus, as the so-called Philippian hymn (Phil 2:5–11) underscores.

In the final chapter, “Conclusion: Paul and Empire Criticism” (108–10), Haddad summarizes his work and highlights what he considers two main points: St. Paul was a Hellenistic Jew, which means that from his Jewish upbringing the apostle already had a vision of the relationship between political authority and Judaism; and the lack of empire criticism being founded upon the traditional historical-critical method.

Haddad’s work is careful and nuanced and I appreciate his main emphasis on reading St. Paul’s letters in light of the new creation that has dawned in the Messiah event, his desire to move the empire critical discussion to more methodological clarity by exposing some of flaws in its current “sections,” and his use of material culture to interpret Philippians. However, there is one area in which this volume that is deficient and which I must push back: Haddad’s understanding of the role of the so-called “imperial cult” is inadequate, which stems from his reliance upon Colin Miller’s earlier, flawed work. Miller’s contention that “the imperial cult” was not particularly important for the cities in which St. Paul established congregations was built upon his misguided understanding of imperial divine honors, a term that I prefer, as a monolith religious movement instead of a complex, contextual series of divine honors that individuals, associations, cities, provinces, and Rome established to show appreciation for imperial benefaction. Moreover, as I show in my recent book, numismatic, archaeological, and inscriptional evidence demonstrates conclusively that imperial divine honors were a major part of the civic landscapes of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Corinth.

In short, if readers understand this one area of deficiency of Haddad’s work, then his Paul & Empire Criticism: Why and How? is a great introduction to empire criticism and some of the methodological problems!

I am grateful to Cascade Book for providing me with a copy of this work, which in no way prejudiced my review of it.

Diversity of Julio-Claudian Imperial Divine Honors

One of my goals in my book, Paul and Imperial Divine Honors: Christ, Caesar, and the Gospel (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2024), is to demonstrate the diversity of Julio-Claudian imperial divine honors in the Roman Empire and that no such thing as “the imperial cult” existed. This is evident from a contextual examination of grants of such honors.

For example, in Rome and her colonies, imperial divine honors tended to be given to deceased Julio-Claudians whom the Roman Senate deified and provided a temple, cultic statue, altar, priests, sacrifices, festivals, and the official title Divus (for a male Julio-Claudian) and Diva (for a female Julio-Claudian). Because this deification tended to be reserved for Julio-Claudians who advanced the interests of Rome and her empire, not every emperor or Julio-Claudian was hailed as a Divus. For a list of these divi (the Latin plural of divus), see p. 43 of my book.

Marble plaque from AD 69 recording the official sacrifices that the Arval Brothers offered at the temple of Dea Dia. For more information on them and the importance of this marble plaque and others like it, see my past post about them. © Public domain: Wikimedia Commons; picture by Rossignol Benoît

In Greek provinces, a group of provincials most often worked with the Roman provincial administration, the Roman Senate, and the reigning emperor to determine which Julio-Claudian would be given divine honors, where they would be located, and of what the honors in question would consist. These provincial honors were usually bestowed on living Julio-Claudians, but official documents associated with them tended to avoid calling the honored a “god” (theos in Greek). Moreover, the reason for their establishment was typically to be show gratitude for imperial benefaction and to court such future munificence.

Silver coin dating to Claudius’s reign (AD 41–54) depicting the temple of Roma and Augustus in Pergamum © Yale University Art Gallery

Greek cities most often provided imperial divine honors to living Julio-Claudians to render appropriate gratitude for a specific beneficence and to court more acts of charity. Once the Julio-Claudian divinely honored died and thus could no longer benefit Greek cities concretely, they tended to lump that imperial into a growing number of divine imperials known as Augustan gods, θεοὶ Σεβαστοί (with the emperor Augustus being the chief exception). The traditions by which cities honored divinely the Julio-Claudians were local and some of them stretched back to Hellenistic period of Greek history and even beyond. Therefore, such honors were diverse. Given that there was no Roman oversight of these grants of divine honors, denizens of cities were free to call living or deceased Julio-Claudians “gods” or manifestations of the Olympians.

Thessalonian coin from Augustus’s reign (31 BC–AD 14) that hails Livia as a “god” © woodwinds.com, ex CNG, 2021

Finally, ancient Greeks and Romans divinely honored Julio-Claudians, both dead and alive, in their own homes, to varying degrees, and for varying reasons. For example, archaeologists working in Ephesus found a domestic imperial shrine in an elite apartment (insula) in a house in a block of such apartments (insulae) known as Terrace House 2. The shrine dates between AD 14 and 37 and consists of busts of Tiberius and Livia that had been set in a domestic shrine in a niche in the wall.

Marble bust of Livia from a domestic imperial shrine in Ephesus (from the Ephesus Museum) © D. Clint Burnett
Marble bust of Tiberius from a domestic imperial shrine in Ephesus (from the Ephesus Museum) © D. Clint Burnett

For the shrine, see Elisabeth Rathmayr, “New Evidence for Imperial Cult in Dwelling Unit 7 in Terrace House 2 in Ephesos,” in Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate, ed. Allen Black, Christine M. Thomas, and Trevor W. Thompson, WUNT 488 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2022), 9–35. Often, scholarly works reference a bronze snake that was found with Tiberius’s and Livia’s busts. However, Rathmayr demonstrates that this is not the case and that the snake was placed in front of the niche much later.

In short, to quote Nijay Gupta’s excellent blurb about my book, “imperial divine honors were everywhere . . . [but] they were not everywhere the same.” This means that the early Christian interactions with them were not uniform and must have varied from city-to-city and province-to-province. For more on these interactions, check out my new book!

Paul & Imperial Divine Honors

I am thrilled that my new book, Paul & Imperial Divine Honors, is out in print! In this work, I introduce imperial divine honors, more commonly called imperial cult in New Testament circles, to a more general audience and then provide contextual reconstructions of imperial divine honors in first century AD Corinth, Philippi, and Thessalonica with the goal of adjudicating with precision what relationship, if any, these honors had to early Christianity in these cities.

This book is one on which I have been working since Spring 2010 when I took my first class on imperial divine honors at Harding School of Theology (Memphis, TN) and it is much more than words on a page. I have procured (and in some cases paid for) the rights to publish 43 images and maps from and associated with ancient Corinth, Philippi, and Thessalonica and, in an appendix, I provide 60 Latin and Greek inscriptions associated with Corinthian, Philippian, and Thessalonian imperial divine honors along with fresh translations of them.

I hope this work will be of use not only to scholars but also to clergy as they reconstruct the gospel in its original imperial context and exegete what it means for the Church in our modern context.