Review of Greek Inscriptions by Peter Liddel

Peter Liddel, Greek Inscriptions, Ancient Scripts (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2025)

In this excellent, short, approachable, and image filled introduction to Greek Inscriptions, epigrapher Peter Liddel aims to introduce Greek inscriptions to non-specialists and to demonstrate how one can use them to understand “ancient Greek history, society and culture” (1). To accomplish this goal, he divides his work into six chapters. The first, “Cultures of Writing” (18–35), explores the shapes of inscriptions, their language, where ancient Greeks placed them, and how epigraphers edit and date them. In the second chapter, “Human Expressions” (36–51), Liddel examines how inscriptions contain the ancient experiences of Greeks from life to death. The third chapter, “Communities and Their Inscriptions” (52–65), delves into how inscriptions reveal the organization of ancient Greek city-states, how they were expressions of authority, and how they displayed honor of certain Greeks. In chapter four, “The Supernatural” (66–79), Liddel probes how inscriptions evidence ancient cultic practices, ancient sacred accounting and bookkeeping, and the connection between writing on an object and the divine. Chapter five, “Beyond Hellenism” (80–91), looks at Greek inscriptions in Egypt and the role of inscriptions in the coming of Rome as the dominant superpower in the Mediterranean World and then the empire’s conversion to Christianity. In the final chapter, “Legacies” (92–103), Liddel discusses the reuse of inscriptions from their original context, the beginnings of the science of epigraphy, and why inscriptions still matter today. Finally, Liddel provides a helpful guide to further reading for those who wish to learn more. This work is a great resource for any novice looking to understand more about ancient Greek inscriptions! 

Another Possible Epigraphic Reference to Lucius Sergius Paullus

In 1895, the German epigrapher Ludwig Bürchner visited the Greek island of Samos to record inscriptions, which he placed in a notebook that currently is in the archive of the Inscriptiones Graecae at the Berlin Academy (Germany). One epigraph that Bürchner noted was a Latin epitaph that may refer to Lucius Sergius Paullus; the most probable candidate for the Cypriot proconsul whom Paul and Barnabas encountered on Cyprus (Acts 13:7).

This funerary inscription remained unknown to most of the scholarly world until 1964, when another German epigrapher, Günter Dunst published all known Latin epigraphs from Samos, which were known at that time.[1] In the process, he pointed out the existence of a certain first century AD “grave inscription” (Grabinschrift), which refers to “a slave of L(ucius) Ṣẹrgius Paullus” (eines Skiaven des L(ucius) Ṣẹrgius Paullus) named “Gemellus” (Gemellus).

Some historians have accepted Dunst’s identification. Professor Werner Eck (Cologne University, Germany) comments on the epitaph:

Vermutlich ist dies der in der Apostelgeschichte bezeugte Sergius Paulus; sein Sklave war vielleicht auf der Fahrt nach dem Osten auf Samos gestorben. Er erhielt ein eigenes Grab und der volle Name des Herrn sagte, dass der Verstorbene kein Niemand gewesen ist.

Presumably, this is the Sergius Paulus attested in the Acts of the Apostles; perhaps his slave died on Samos on his journey to the East. He received his own tomb and his master’s full name testified that the deceased was not a nobody.[2]

In 2003, Prof. Klaus Hallof (Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Germany) edited all the Samian inscriptions and revisited the epigraph in question. After consulting Bürchner’s notebook, he reproduced the following text, restoring the name Lucius Sergius Paulinus, not Lucius Sergius Paullus:

Gemello ∙ L(uci) ∙
Ṣẹrgi ∙ Paul–
[i]n[i ∙] servo
– –m ∙ f(aciendum) c(uravit) ∙ Dro–

“For Gemellus, the slave of L(ucius) Sergius Paulinus, who made this . . . Dro . . .”[3]

I have been unable to examine the epigraph or see a picture of it. Presumably, the inscription is lost and Prof. Hallof informs me that the squeeze that Bürchner made is of poor quality. Therefore, it remains debatable whether or not the stone refers to the member of the Sergii Paulli whom Paul and Barnabas probably met.

Nevertheless, Alexander Weiß proposes that even if the epitaph refers to Lucius Sergius Paulinus, he still may be associated with Lucius Sergius Paullus:

denn Paulinus wäre wohl ein Freigelassener oder ein Nachkomme eines Freigelassenen dieser Familie.

For Paulinus is probably a freedman or a descendant of a freedman of this family.[4]

Weiß may be correct. Hopefully, future epigraphic discoveries will shed light on this epigraph and the presence of Lucius Sergius Paullus or Lucius Sergius Paulinus on Samos and his possible connection to early Christianity.

[1] Günter Dunst, “Die lateinischen Inschriften von Samos,” Helikon 4 [1964]: 284

[2] Werner Eck, “Sklaven und Freielassene von Römern in Iudaea und den angrenzendenzenden Provinzen,” Novum Testamentum 55 (2013): 19

[3] IG XII.6 no. 711

[4] Alexander Weiß, Soziale Elite und Christentum Studien zu ordo-Angehörigen unter den frühen Christen (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2105), 73.

Most Important Inscription for Roman Public Religion

What if there was an inscription that provided records of actual sacrifices offered in Rome by one of the city’s colleges of priests?

What if this epigraph dated to the time of the composition of the New Testament documents? 

Would such a source illuminate not only public religion in Rome but also public religion in the Roman colonies mentioned in the New Testament like Corinth, Philippi, and Pisidian Antioch?  

Such an inscription does in fact exist! 

It is called the Arval Acta after the priestly college who offered the sacrifices mentioned in the epigraph, the Arval Brothers. The Arval Brothers were a priestly college that consisted of twelve men who served for life and who were drawn from senators in Rome. They served the Roman deity Dea Dia who was the goddess of grain and fertility. The Arval Brothers had a cultic site in a sacred grove of trees atop a hill 7-8 km west of Rome. Temples of Dea Dia and other goddesses were on the hill and at its bottom a bath and imperial temple in which the Arval Brothers gathered to recline at sacred banquets. 

Bust of the emperor Lucius Verus depicted as an Arval Brother from 160 CE © Marie-Lan Nguyen / Wikimedia Commons

Each year the priestly college appointed a president (magister) whose main duty was to offer a number of sacrifices throughout the year. Most of these were directed to Dea Dia but in the imperial period (post 31 BCE) a number of these sacrifices either were offered to deceased and officially deified emperors called divi or to the gods on behalf of the reigning emperor and his family, especially for his health and for celebrating important days like his birthday. 

To provide an example:

A(nte) d(iem) (undecimum) k(alendas) Octobres (vacat)| Taurus Statilius Corvinus promagister collegii fratrum arṿ[ali]um| nomine, quod eo die C. Caesar Augustus Germanicus conṣ[ensu]| senatus delatum sibi patris nomen recepisset in Cạ[pitlio]| Iovi, Iunoni, Minervae hostias maiores (tres) inmolavit et ad templum| novom divo Augusto unam. (vacat). | Adfuerunt Paullus Fabius Persicus, M. Furius Camillus, Appius Iunius| [Silanus, P. Me]ṃmiuṣ [Reg]ụḷụṣ, C. Cạẹcịṇạ, Ḷ. Ạṇṇịụṣ Ṿịṇịcịạṇụ[s,]| [C. Calpurniu]s Piso. (vacat)

On the eleventh day before the Calends of October (Sept 21, 38 CE), because Caius Caesar Augustus Germanicus received the title father of the fatherland, which was offered with the senate’s consent, the vice president Taurus Statilius Corvinus sacrificed on the Capitoline Hill in the name of the college of the Arval Brothers three adult victims to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, and a victim to Deified Augustus at his new temple. Paullus Fabius Persicus, Marcus Furius Camillus, Appius Iunius Silanus, Publius Memmius Regulus, Caius Caecina Largus, and Lucius Annius Vinicianus, and Caius Calpurnius Piso were present (Commentarii fratrum Arvalium 12c lines 83-91; translation D. Clint Burnett).

Each year the president chose to have certain (or all?) their sacrifices recorded in a codex. Beginning from Augustus’s reign (21 BCE) and continuing into the third century CE (241 CE), portions of these sacrifices were inscribed on marble plaques placed in Dea Dia’s temple. Numerous of these engraved marble plaques have survived and they make up the Arval Acta, which are our most important primary source for public Roman religion in the entirety of the Roman Empire.[1]

Commentarii fratrum Arvalium 48 © https://drc.ohiolink.edu/handle/2374.OX/187237

Currently, I am working through the Arval Acta, translating them from their original Latin, which is no easy task. However, as I work through the text I cannot help but think of the numerous ways in which this inscription could produce nuanced readings of 1-2 Corinthians, Philippians, and Acts of the Apostles as well as refine our understanding of the relationship between Paul and the Roman Empire. Therefore, I want to encourage my New Testament colleagues to pick up this amazing epigraph to expand their understanding of public religion in the Roman Empire and its connections to the New Testament.    


[1] For more on the Arval Brothers see Mary Beard, “Writing and Ritual: A Study of Diversity and Expansion in the Arval Acta,” Papers of the British School at Rome 53 (1985): 114-162; John Scheid, Commentarii fratrum Arvalium qui supersunt: Les Copies épigraphiques des protocoles annuels de la confrérie arvale (21 AV.-304 AP. J.-C.) (Rome: École Francaise de Rome, 1998), iii-xxii.